Фольклор и постфольклор: структура, типология, семиотика

"Peacemaking Ideology in a Headhunting Society: Hudhud, Women’s Epic of the Ifugao." In: Hunters and Gatherers in the Modern World. Conflict, Resistance, and Self-Determination. Peter P.Schweitzer, Megan Biesele and Robert Hitchcock, eds. pp.399-409. New York-Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2000.

I am most grateful to the Wenner-Gren Anthropological Foundation for the Small Grant that enabled me to update this paper during my field work in Ifugao (January-August 1995). I am deeply indebted to Dr.Harold Conklin who generously shared with me his encyclopedic knowledge of Ifugao culture since 1978, long before the possibilities of field work opened for Russian anthropologists. I also owe a lot to Dr.Pierce Vitebsky of Cambridge Univ. and to John Gillow of Cambridge, U.K.. I am grateful for help and advice to Dr.Bion Griffin of the Univ. of Hawaii and Dr.Tom Headland of SIL, both of whom I first met at CHAGS-7, and to Dr.Nicol Revel of Centre de Recherche Sur L'Oralite. During my stay in the Philippines I enjoyed friendly cooperation with Dr.Jesus Peralta and Artemio Barbosa from the National Museum and valuable help and hospitality of Mrs.Rosario Guinid from the Ifugao Museum.

The Ifugao belong to a group of mountain-dwelling peoples of the Cordillera Central, Northern Luzon, the Philippines. Despite the differences in their ways of subsistence (hunters, horticulturists, dry- and wet-rice cultivators) all the highlanders were regarded as of "similar grade of civilization" and opposed as such to the lowland population. This distinction which is not based either on linguistic or cultural criteria, dates back at least to the end of the eighteenth century and results from the Spanish colonial activities. Having conquered the coastal areas rather easily, the Spaniards tried in vain to subjugate the mountain peoples. As P.O.Afable puts it, "military assaults, in which men from lowland Christian missions marched against their pagan neighbors, ...permanently set the social and political boundaries between lowlanders and highlanders in this Northern area" (Afable 1995, 13). In the opposition of "Christian" and "civilized" to "savage" and "wild", still noticeable nowadays, headhunting is the most sensational point. Although the Spanish records of the sixteenth century are abundant in description of headhunting in coastal areas (Afable, Ibid.), in popular opinion this cultural trait is attributed exclusively to mountain-dwellers.

During my short stay in Manila it struck me painfully that the image of "bloodthirsty Igorot" is exploited in modern Philippine mass-media (movies, ballet performances, etc.). Needless to say that in Ifugao family that adopted me, as well as while hiking through different areas of Ifugao, I felt much safer then in Manila. Besides, having studied the epic lore as a genre, I can claim that the Ifugaos so far are the only people in the world known to have developed peacemaking ideology in that typically aggressive genre of oral literature 1*.

The rich literature on epic traditions worldwide portrays a highly male-centered genre of song glorifying heroic values and warlike acts. Ifugao male epics represents aggressive ideology, which it shares with all the corresponding genres from India to Iceland. But what is specific of the Ifugao epic lore is that it contains two trends. The /hudhud/, female epic tradition of the Ifugaos, is a unique specimen of peacemaking, even pacifist ideology in epic form. It is important to bear in mind that this ideology has developed in the peak of headhunting period, i.e. it is genuine, not imposed by the influence of other cultures as, for instance, the motives of regret that appeared in Kalinga Ullalim under the influence of Christianization and American "order".

A comparative study of Philippine folk epics that I based on the criteria of the Russian school of folklore studies (Propp 1976; Zhirmunsky 1979; Meletinsky 1968; Putilov 1976) revealed that the female /hudhud/ tradition of the Ifugao is a typical heroic epics with reminiscences of mythological traits. Male Ifugao tradition and the Kalinga /Ullalim/ performed by male and female singers are mythological epics, the /Ullalim/ being in transition to heroic one (Stanyukovich 1983).

Fr. Lambrecht, the major publisher of the /hudhud/ texts (Lambrecht 1957, 1960, 1961, 1967) insists that the /hudhud/ is sung only for entertainment and does not bear any connection to traditional belief and ritual (cf. Lambrecht 1965). This statement seemed doubtful to me from the very beginning. Close ritual ties are generally characteristic of Philippine folk epics (Manuel 1963; Jocano 1964; Demetrio 1979). In my opinion, this was the main reason why rich epic literature of the lowland population disappeared altogether in the course of Christianization 2*: being an inseparable part of the native religious system, it was wiped out just like the Ifugao epic forms that I studied in the field are being wiped out nowadays. In my earlier works (Stanyukovich 1981, 1982b) and in the first version of this paper I claimed that /hudhud/ is a highly ritualized genre. Then this claim was based on close examination of Lambrecht's own materials, as well as of the data published by Amador Daguio (Daguio 1983), Roy Franklin Barton (Barton 1919, 1930, 1938, 1946, 1955) and further supported by the study of unpublished field notes of R.F.Barton deposited in the archive of our Museum (Archive) 3*. By now I can prove it with the field data.

During my field research it turned out that the term /hudhud/ extends beyond the heroic epic known in publications to a larger group of female ritual songs, including shamanistic narratives treating the journey of the soul of the deceased to the abode of the dead. All the /hudhud/ texts published by far (including those three which are to be published in Dr.N.Revel's "Nusantara epics project" (Revel in prep.) appeared to belong to one and the same genre known in North-Western areas of Ifugao as /hudhud di 'ani/ (/hudhud/ of the harvest), or /hudhud di page/ (/hudhud/ of rice). This genre is a form pattern of melody, poetic system and vocabulary for the two newly-found /hudhud/ traditions: /hudhud di kolot/ (/hudhud/ of the haircut) and /hudhud di nate/ (/hudhud/ of the dead).

Although in my field research I particularly concentrated on the study of these additional /hudhud/ types, which have never been researched before, I have also found a large variety of plots of the main type (/hudhud/ of rice). All of them appeared to confirm the characteristics of female ideology as peaceful solution of hereditary feuds without bloodshed.

While reading the following, the reader must bear in mind that headhunting does not exist in Ifugao any more. Early in the twentieth century "order" was imposed by the American colonial administration. The main goal was achieved by general-governor Gallman, a talented "white apo", who acted within the framework of traditional Ifugao culture and was loved and highly respected by them. He and his successors, Tomlinson and Dosser, succeeded in decreasing considerably the number of local killings and distant headhunting raids. A new outburst of murders was installed by World War II. The Ifugao Province was the area of most violent combats. Practically the whole Kiangan poblacion was destroyed by bombing; even the most distant areas of Asipulo became battlefields. It was in Ifugao that General Yamashito has surrendered - which was the final point of the World War II in the Philippines. It is only natural that in such a situation headhunting has resumed, as for instance, the custom of vendetta resumed recently in Chechenia. Later on military tension was characteristic of the Ifugao of the 1970s, during the martial law period. President Marcos has endowed the military and Philippine Constabulary with such an uncontrolled power that they aroused hatred in native population. NPA (National People's Army) became very active in Cordillera; though it was rather popular among the local people, it surely meant additional military pressure. Anyway in late 1960s- 1970s headhunting in the mountainous areas of Northern Luzon ceased altogether (cf. Rosaldo 1980).

Although I was lucky to witness headhunting rituals on Good Friday of 1995 in Ifugao, including war dance and /him-ung/ (ritual defining the avenger for the killing), they were performed for a person killed by "armelite" (machine gun) as a result of land dispute that could occur in any peasant society anywhere in the world. Therefore for the purpose of the present paper I shall use the materials on headhunting that date back to the beginning of the twentieth century.

Having said this, I shall return to the problem of transforming violence in women's epics, as opposed to glorifying it in male epic lore, i.e. to the aspects that characterize the relevant male and female ideologies.

The separate inner worlds of male and female epic traditions can be compared to each other and to the "objective" world of epic singers. Let me give a brief sketch of these three realities by concentrating on the following points: division of space into friendly and hostile zones; reasons for headhunting; the way warfare is performed; desirable male traits; final aims and perspectives of headhunting.

According to the classic definition of R.F.Barton, the "objective" world of the Ifugao was divided into three main zones: home region, neutral zone and zone of warfare. Even within the home zone it was only the relatives who were considered to be real allies. The affines, not to mention neighbors, might be sources of danger, as representatives of a different kinship group. In neutral zone relatives were outnumbered by non-relatives. In hostile zone all the inhabitants were regarded as potential killers and victims. Besides, every kinship group had also hereditary enemies of their own. The reasons for headhunting, apart from vendetta, were "evening the score" after funerals, getting access to higher grades in the rank system, and curing childlessness.

Most of killings were initiated by surprise attack of a headhunting group through ambush in hostile territory. A boy who went to the forest to get firewood or a woman gathering food-plants might be ambushed, killed and beheaded. After the attack headhunters would flee at full speed to the home region. As R.F.Barton puts it, "the Ifugao has no pride against admitting fear and running away when there is danger - provided he does not abandon a kinsman" (Barton 1955, 21). In a way, it can be said that headhunters were seen as ordinary hunters, not as warriors. The victim was regarded more as a game than as an adversary. Bravery was not so much appreciated but rather regarded as foolish. The key words in the native discourse regarding headhunting were "deceit" or "fraud". The Ilongot, neighboring headhunting people discussed in classical works of Michell and Renato Rosaldo, designate the internal killings by the term /ka'abung/ - "by deception"(M.Rosaldo 1980, 6). The name of Manahaut, the supreme war deity of the Ifugao, means "Deceiver". Often the whole class of gods of war and sorcery is called "the Deceivers" (Barton 1946, 38). The real headhunting thus gave no hint of the ethics of the warrior.

Ifugao history of the period of headhunting could not be divided into periods of war and peace. Headhunting was a constant part of everyday life. According to dominant ideology the whole kinship group, men and women, benefited from a headhunting raid. General aim of headhunting could be defined as keeping world in harmony and order, that gave no perspective of cutting short the cycle of reciprocal revenge killings.

How is that reality reflected in epic songs?

In male epic traditions - the Ifugao /Galidu/ (Barton 1955, 46-79) 3* and the Kalinga /Ullalim/ (Billiet 1970) the friendly and hostile zones overlap. There are no strict boundaries between them, or rather they are very flexible: from inside of the home village to the boundaries of the human-inhabited world. Enemies might differ from playmates of a young hero up to giants whose residence is in the Upstream or Downstream cosmological areas, beyond the boundaries of cosmological earth.

The reasons for killing are either vengeance (vendetta or just a reaction to an insult) or the struggle with an adversary in order to win girl's hand.

The fight often takes a form of a duel in which the adversaries demonstrate their valour, fighting skill and magic power. The song ends usually with a scene of a massacre during which all the enemy's kin or even the whole population of the hostile region is killed. As it was already mentioned, some versions of the /Ullalim/, performed in the period of "peacetime" present the scenes of hero's regret for being so bloodthirsty.

Highly appreciated male characteristics, demonstrated by heroes in male epics, are ferocity, valour, fighting skills and magic powers. However, the criterion of bravery is introduced and cowardliness is depreciated. Just like male mythological texts, male oral epics define the result of hero's warlike activities by internally contradictory formula: "he slaughtered them all, including the infants, and made a peace-pact with the rest of them". In the Galidu it goes like this:

"...Balitok, He sees the sons of Ambalitayon Tumbled heels over head. Their sleeping place is their weapons, There is left of them no remainder, They're as if to skeletons crumpled... The new-made widows And the mourning-band wearers and fasters..., Becoming some like kindred to them, Becoming like uncles the others" (Barton 1955, 76-77)

That is to say that the enemies are weakened by massacre and pacified by magic and peace-pact, but as vengeance is always to be retaliated, the perspective of the conflict is preserved.

The /hudhud/ - the women's epic - differs greatly in its ideology and in the way of depicting warfare both from reality and from the world of the male epics.

There is no hostile territory in /hudhud/ of rice. Its topography presents doubled home region. It is centered in a home village with outskirts, surrounded by Kadaklan (the Big River), which serves as a /huhdud/ analogy of a mythological river in the waters of which human Earth floats. In other words, the whole universe is reduced to the limits of the female home space. No danger awaits the hero while he travels through the "empty space" that is outside his home region. Having crossed it the hero comes to a duplicate of his home region, which is also surrounded by Kadaklan. It is the marginal place /pantalan/ (the river bed), either near home region or its duplicate, that is the only place of danger. Here the character might be ambushed from the river reeds. But even /ad pantalan/ no death or injury ever occurs.

Actually there is no category of enemy in /hudhud/, despite the fact that the words /ngayaw/ (headhunting) and /buhol/ (enemy) are widely used. The personages are organized into family groups. Each one consists of a hero, his sister and their parents. The plot is based on the interaction of two families, initially depicted as being in hereditary feud. By moral characteristics and behavior, as well as by appearance and conduct, the members of these families absolutely duplicate each other. That is to say, the main hero is an absolute copy of a young man from the other family, his sister is a copy of another man's sister, etc. Members of both families are endowed with highly positive traits.

Some versions of /hudhud/ are more complicated. There the third family group appears. Members of the this additional family are characterized negatively and treated with contempt. They do not pose any danger for the heroes. Being inferior from every point of view, they are no rivals to real heroes and therefore no enemies. They are always losers. A youngster from an unworthy family tries to win one of the girls - sisters of positive heroes. He never succeeds. His own sister is sometimes depicted as an unworthy wife of one of the positive heroes. She is usually sent back to her parents as soon as a better bride appears in the scene 5*. The home region of the third group, which is a third copy of the hero's home region, is not really a hostile territory. Besides, the positive hero never visits it. The negative personages are eliminated without being killed or wounded. Therefore no feud or conflict results in the future.

The main intrigue revolves around the relationships of two positive heroes. The initial episodes introduce the hero as an aggressive youth. He plays dangerous games with his playmates, he nearly destroys through carelessness the precious jewels, hereditary sacred fortune of his family. He disobeys his parents: they want him to marry, but he instead declares that he starts a head-hunting raid. When asked about the name of their hereditary enemy, the old father gives it with the following noteworthy words:

"Exceedingly great is our feud with the Old man, Old man of old, Pangaiwan... I tell you, bring only joy and happiness into their house... In Bilibil." (Lambrecht 1957, 48)

Or as it goes in the other version of the same text, published by A.Daguio:

"Why not find a girl to bring to Iken, A beautiful daughter of Pangaiwan... That the tribal feud be forgotten Between your father and Pangaiwan?" (Daguio 1983, 21)

The two sides of the story are thus given from the very beginning. The hero pretends to go headhunting while his actual aim is to marry the daughter of his father's enemy and so to put an end to the old feud. In other words, hero's aggressiveness is only pretentious.

Having reached the village of his "enemy" the hero once again shows his aggressive inclinations. He destroys all the rice in the fields of his "enemy". But as soon as the battle begins, all the signs of aggression disappear.

Adversaries are depicted as valiant knights. Their battles (always three in number) are epically long. Needless to say that they have nothing to do with real headhunting practices. Much more important is the fact that /hudhud/ battles have no analogies in epic literature. Using the /hudhud/ vocabulary we can call them "war dances", the typical formula being "as if dancing they are, two youths in the battlefield". During the many-year-long battles the heroes show their skills, bravery, valour, but also politeness and good manners. They address each other exclusively with the appellation /biyawku/ ("my friend"). Local girls who watch the battle from the village slope nudge their hero and induce him to cut off the adversary's head "that it may have fresh air at the door of our house". But the hero defends the dignity of his battle companion:

"Soften your cries, lovely ladies, For worthy as an opponent is Aliguyun, He is as good as I." (Daguio 1983, 29)

It is worth pointing out that in /hudhud/ it is a male warrior who is idealized, whereas women are depicted as violent sex. They induce killings and are pacified by men. From that point of view /hudhud/ can be compared to European medieval romances that created idealized image of a fair lady (cf. Stanyukovich 1996).

Both heroes fight with all their strength. They sweat and breath hard. They clench their teeth with effort - but one can not help feeling that they are only pretenders, good actors, not warriors.

Another important trait characteristic of all the positive personages is that both heroes and their sisters are ready to feel ashamed. The formula "very much ashamed I am" is sometimes used as a label quite out of context. It may be used when a new character is introduced and it is important to point out that he or she is a positive actor. Unworthy rivals and unworthy wives never feel ashamed.

/Hudhud/ heroes, as all epic heroes, are endowed with magic power.

After a series of three battles in which no one is killed or wounded, the positive characters trade sisters and celebrate a double marriage. Thus the aim and result of the hero's activities is total elimination of enmity. The next generation will have no enemies.

To sum it up, we can easily see the difference between male and female ideologies as expressed in their epic lore. It emerges that while the male epic concentrates on violence expressed through the system of headhunting based on rage, enmity and vengeance, the female epic represents a tradition of heroic exploit in which no blood is spilt whatsoever.

The treatment of space undergoes radical changes in /hudhud/. The picture of a tiny home region surrounded by big hostile world is replaced by the universe reduced to small "female" space of the home village. It can be doubled or tripled, but never loses its dominant characteristics of safety.

/Hudhud/ transforms the image of the headhunter, that is of a hunter whose game is a human being, into a valiant knight. The women's epic introduces a new character. He is brave but pitiful, generous, polite and modest. His aggressive intentions are dangerous only to inanimate objects like jewels, tops, foodbaskets etc. With the introduction of this new image comes the idea of peacetime as a desirable perspective.

As an expression of female ideology, the /hudhud/ has much in common with woman's literature of much later period. It demonstrates both strong and weak points of it, the latter including simplification, varnishing of reality and substitution of false conflicts for real ones. /Hudhud/ can also be regarded as a kind of unconsciously dissident literature that keeps to the formal rules of a dominant male ideology, but fills stealthily the canonical form with inappropriate contents.

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Notes:

* Symbol "/" identifies italics. 1* The only other sample of peacemaking solution of conflicts can be found in /tuitak/ Ainu female epics (Philippi 1979). This tradition shows similarities to /hudhud/ in some other aspects, including plot formation and ritual use (cf.Stanyukovich 1982a).

2* There are examples when conversion into Christianity (e.g. of the Russians) did not result in the abandonment of the traditional epic songs, as they were not evidently and directly linked to pre-Christian pagan practices.

3* R.F.Barton worked in the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnology, St.Petersburg (then Leningrad) from 1930-1940. Before leaving Russia he donated his library, a number of unpublished manuscripts and field notes (cf. Stanyukovich 1979). Barton's manuscripts and notes are deposited in the archive of our Institute (referenced here as "Archive").

4* This text, called "Galidu, or Virgin birth" by Barton, appeared to be well-known in my home Ifugao village. It was used some 30 years ago in hagoho sorcery rights designated to settle land dispute between two families. Both families in question performed rituals using this text, and a family from my village was defeated: a number of small children from this family died, and the rice field became property of their adversaries.

5* There is, however, an exception to the rule. In the /hudhud/ "Dinulawan and Bugan at Gonhadan" (Lambrecht 1967) negative heroine remains the wife of the hero, Aliguyun. It happens because of unusual characteristics of Bugan, Aliguyun's usual bride, in this particular version: here she is depicted as a female warrior.

References

AFABLE Patricia O.

The peoples of Eduardo Masferre's photographs. Discovery 25 (2) 1995, pp.11-19